1.  BILLS AND RESOLUTIONS
 
No Middle East-related bills or resolutions have been introduced thus far (stay tuned).
 
2.  REPRESENTATIVE GEORGE MILLER (D-CA) ON THE RECORD
 
On January 14, 2010, the Time Herald published the following op-ed by Rep. George Miller (D-CA)
 
Fresh thinking on supporting Israel

I read with interest Larry Grossman's piece in the Times-Herald ("Miller isn't fair to Israel," Jan. 10) criticizing my record on issues related to Israel. I believe he and I share the same interest in defending Israel's right to exist and flourish in peace and security. We appear to differ on what it means to support Israel. I am glad to be able to offer my view.
 
The United States can and must play a constructive role in helping to end the deadly and destabilizing conflict between Israel and the Palestinians and Israel's neighbors. But adhering to an outdated ideology that punishes diverse perspectives on the Middle East is a disservice to Israel and the cause of peace and security. Here are my views on some of the key issues facing Israel and the United States today.
 
I support a strong and lasting friendship between the United States and Israel. The deep ties between our nations are rooted in a shared culture and common set of beliefs. America's support for Israel and the Israeli people has never been, nor is it now, in question.
 
I fully support Israel's right to defend itself and I reject hateful speech, rocket attacks, suicide bombs and other violent attacks directed against the Israeli people. No nation should ever be expected to withstand such attacks without response. When I have been critical of Israeli military action, such as in Gaza in 2008, it has been based on the view that Israel's response was disproportionate and undermined its long-term interests. In addition, democratic nations like Israel and the United States must respect International Law and human rights and I will always demand adherence to those critical instruments of democracy and freedom.
 
I support a two-state solution to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict and the immediate resumption of peace talks as necessary steps to ensure Israel's security and status as a democratic nation. President Obama and Secretary of State Clinton support a two-state solution, as did President George W. Bush. Moreover, Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu supports a two-state solution. Israel must cease the aggressive, and sometimes illegal, settlement activity in order for the peace talks and the two-state solution to succeed.
 
When it comes to votes in Congress affecting the Middle East, I do not follow orthodoxy but judge issues based on whether they advance the cause of peace and security.
 
Consider two recent examples. Along with 57 other members of Congress, I opposed a House resolution in November criticizing a report by Justice Richard Goldstone on the Gaza war because the bill was rushed through the House without a single congressional hearing or any delineation of the relevant issues for members' consideration. On the other hand, I supported the recently passed Iran Refined Petroleum Sanctions Act, which furthered the cause of peace and security by sending a strong signal to Iran that Congress is willing, if necessary, to enact tough sanctions to diminish Iran's capability to threaten Israel.
Debate in the United States on Middle East issues has been dominated for decades by the position pushed by some supporters of Israel that the only friend of Israel is the one who never criticizes. That is not the definition of friendship.
 
Not all actions by the government of Israel are in the best of interest of the Jewish people, but to say so publicly is not an attack on the state. The same is true for our own country. Criticizing the Bush administration for invading Iraq or the Obama administration for wanting to close Guantanamo, just for example, are not attacks on America nor should they ever be labeled as such.
 
There are many different voices within Israel on the issue of peace and security, just as there are wide ranging views among American Jews and others in our country that support the state of Israel. Americans for Peace Now, for example, an affiliate of the non-governmental Israeli movement Peace Now, is critical of some Israeli military and government actions but is clearly pro-Israel. And J Street, a different organization mentioned by Mr. Grossman, does an excellent job of educating policymakers about Middle East issues. J Street is pro-Israel and pro-peace but does not support every Israeli government position.
These two groups are rattling the nerves of the traditional pro-Israel lobby -- and they are being attacked as a result.
 
But the strength of democracy is its tolerance for dissent. Expanding the debate is a positive development for Jews, Palestinians and all Americans interested in securing a lasting peace in the Middle East.
My approach as a Member of Congress when it comes to the Middle East and other vital concerns is to examine issues and raise questions and determine whether the actions planned by Congress are helpful to the cause of peace and security. I can think of no greater way in which to show my support for Israel and the Israeli people.
 
3.  SPECULATION OVER IRAN SANCTIONS LEGISLATION CONTINUES
 
Rumors and speculation are swirling in Washington regarding Senate plans to move (or not move, or significantly amend and then move) S. 2799, Senator Dodd's (D-CT) major Iran sanctions legislation that includes IRPSA, the Iran Refined Petroleum Sanctions Act.  Many of the rumors appear to be being fed by those who support the sanctions (and don't want the existing legislation amended). 
 
One source that is generally well-connected - Josh Rogin, writing in the Cable - this week provided an interesting summary of the various rumors, but got some of the key facts wrong (eg, he reported that the Dodd bill has "over 75 co-sponsors" when in fact it has NO cosponsors; he also reported that "the passage of the Senate bill doesn't necessarily conflict with the White House's plans for Iran sanctions because the administration has enough wiggle room to use whichever part of the bill they see as important. In fact, some argue having wider sanctions authorized might make the more targeted sanctions more effective" -notwithstanding the fact that the bill does not AUTHORIZE sanctions, it REQUIRES them.)
 
Clearly the pressure is still on for the Senate to pass S. 2799 - "Pass Tougher Iran Sanctions" is still the top issue on AIPAC's "http://www.aipac.org/694.asp#24473 (link has expired) take action" page, and on January 17th a range of Jewish groups jointly sponsored a half-day training event for community activists, entitled: "Israel Advocacy Training Institute: Spotlight Iran."  However, the fact that the Obama Administration has now come out clearly against IRPSA, however, makes it much more likely that the will be amended before it moves in the Senate.  The fact that Senator Dodd has announced that he is not running for re-election could also impact the bill's fate.
 
4.  APN TO OBAMA: TIME TO PLAY HARDBALL, FOR THE SAKE OF MIDDLE EAST PEACE
 
On January 20^th - the anniversary of President Obama's inauguration, APN released a policy document calling on the President to learn the lessons of last year's unmet expectations on Middle East peace and focus this year on assertive action toward peace for Israel and its neighbors.  Our call took on additional saliency after the publication January 21^st of a remarkably candid interview published by Time Magazine, in which President Obama reiterated his commitment to Israeli-Palestinian peace and acknowledged that his efforts over the past year were stymied by the domestic political environments in Israel and among the Palestinians.  President Obama also noted that Israel failed to "move with any bold gestures" toward peace negotiations.  

APN's January 20 policy document notes that: "In order to achieve a breakthrough toward peace in 2010, the Obama Administration will have to be prepared to play political hardball," and points out that in his first year in office, President Obama's efforts to broker peace in the region were "stymied by intransigence on the part of both Israel and the Palestinians, by lack of clear buy-in and support from the Arab world, and by his own resolve to be unfailingly patient and polite, regardless of the behavior of others."

The statement calls on the President and his foreign policy team to re-orient the US approach to Middle East peace efforts by clarifying America's expectations from the parties and from other stakeholders; by firmly demanding that the parties meet these expectations; by adopting a tough tone that makes clear America's national security interest in Mideast peace, as well as the benefits of peace and the cost of undermining efforts to achieve it; and by making clear to the parties that the US has diplomatic and other forms of leverage, which it is prepared to use.

To view APN's full statement, click here.


5.  APN BLOG POST: ISRAEL'S DEMOCRACY IN JEOPARDY
 
Democracy in jeopardy: Israel intensifying efforts to quash dissent
By Lara Friedman, January 21, 2010
 
Today a friend asked if I thought the story of Israel's recent deportation of Jared Malsin - the American (and Jewish) editor of a Palestinian news outlet - was important.  I responded that if you consider it important that Israel arrests a working journalist, holds him in virtual solitary confinement under miserable conditions for a week until he can't stand it anymore, and then deports him under highly dubious legal circumstances - then yes, it is.

But that is not the whole story.  Because this is not an isolated issue.

It is clear to all of us who work on issues related to peace, human rights or Israeli civil society, that the government of Israel is deliberately and systematically upping the ante and increasing the pressure on those who do not toe the Israel policy line.
We are seeing this in the treatment of foreigners who have anything to do with the Palestinians.  For anyone who missed it, Israel also deported Faith Rowold, Jared's girlfriend who works as a volunteer for a Lutheran NGO that helps Palestinians in the Bethlehem area. And that, too, was not an isolated incident - for some context, check out this piece in yesterday's Haaretz about Israel withholding entry visas for people working for NGOs.  

We are seeing it, too, in the outrageous tactics being used against peaceful and legal protests against the situation in Sheikh Jarrah, where peaceful protesters were arrested last week and spent the Sabbath in jail (36 hours), only to be released without charges as soon as they were brought before a judge (it is expected that they will be treated even worse this week).  

And we are seeing this in the heavy-handed approach to foreign diplomats posted to Israel.  The world is of course aware of Israel's diplomatic mauling of the Turkish ambassador, but did they notice Deputy Foreign Minister Ayalon's comments a few days later threatening to expel ambassadors of countries that criticize Israel?  Or did they notice the report yesterday that Israel's foreign minister is accusing diplomats of smuggling money into Gaza and is establishing a new policy requiring that diplomats and their cars be searched before entering Gaza?  In one fell swoop Israel is (a) implicitly accusing foreign diplomats of financing Hamas and (b) throwing away hundreds of years of diplomatic custom that makes diplomats (their persons and their vehicles) immune from search.  Does Israel seriously expect diplomats to agree to this?  Of course not, but the result will be a "chilling effect" - as in, no country will agree to have its diplomats subjected to such treatment and therefore diplomats will stop going to Gaza.

This is just the latest effort to make life difficult for diplomats whose job it is to deal with the Palestinians.  Precedents include the harassment of US diplomats entering and exiting the West Bank, under the pretext that they might be smuggling Palestinians into Israel.  The implication, of course, is that Israel cannot trust US diplomats - like General Keith Dayton - not to smuggle terrorists into Israel.  (The original headline of the linked article, which ran as a Jerusalem Post "exclusive," read "US consulate car tried to run over checkpoint guard" - this is the headline that still shows up in google and in the tab on the top of the JPost page; it was subsequently amended to "nearly runs over guard" - perhaps after a US protest - but the original has been copied all over the internet).

We are also seeing this with attacks - some by the government, some by Knesset firebrands and their supporters (and not opposed in any way publicly by the government) - on funding for Israeli NGOs working on these issues.

No, the Jared Malsin case is not an isolated one.  It is part of what appears to be a determined effort by Israel to stamp out voices and activities that it doesn't like.  And of course, Israel's desire to do so is quite understandable - no government likes to be criticized.  But actually doing so is, of course, wholly undemocratic.  

So yes, the Malsin case is important - or should be important - for all of us who care about Israel.  It is important for all of us who treasure Israeli democracy.  And it is important for all of us who believe that one of Israel's chief national security assets is its recognition as a legitimate member of the international community - a nation governed by democracy and the rule of law.   

The Malsin case is just the latest evidence of the fact that Israel's democracy is under threat and in jeopardy.  For all of us who care about Israel, we should consider it very important indeed.
 
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Don't forget to check the APN blog for breaking news and analysis about issues related to Israel, the Middle East, and the Hill.
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Past editions of the Round-Up are archived and available online at:
http://www.peacenow.org/roundup.asp
 
Americans for Peace Now promotes Israeli security through the peace process and supports the Israeli Peace Now movement.   For more information, visit the APN web site at www.peacenow.org or contact Lara Friedman, APN Director of Policy and Government Relations, at 202/728-1893, or at lfriedman@peacenow.org.